If his nomination for the Myanmar presidency is confirmed, General Min Aung Hlaing – who led the coup that ousted Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government – will be a sham leader nominated by a sham parliament created out of a rigged election, says Benedict Rogers
By Benedict Rogers in The Independent
Myanmar’s military coup leader, General Min Aung Hlaing, has moved a step closer to the presidency as the country’s new parliament has put forward his nomination. But the army chief’s impending elevation raises serious concerns about the legitimacy of his government – and the country’s future.
Earlier this month, Myanmar’s parliament convened for the first time since it was shut down by the coup five years ago, in which Min Aung Hlaing overthrew the democratically elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. This time, the parliament includes no democrats and is entirely military-controlled. The parliamentarians are former soldiers who have simply swapped their army uniforms for business suits. If confirmed, Min Aung Hlaing will be a sham president nominated by a sham parliament created out of a sham election – not a general election, but a rigged election of generals.
Shortly before the charade of parliament’s opening, the outgoing United Nations special rapporteur for human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, presented his final report in Geneva. He described the elections as “a highly choreographed” process, “little more than electoral theatre intended to hide military oppression behind the trappings of a civilian government”. They took place under “intense repression”, triggered further violence, and did nothing to resolve the crisis. The polls were “neither free nor fair, nor the least bit credible”, with opposition parties banned, pro-democracy politicians jailed, and much of the population disenfranchised.
Andrews’ report is a wake-up call to the international community. With the world understandably focused on other crises – Ukraine, Gaza and now Iran – support for Myanmar is, alarmingly, waning. Sanctions have not kept pace. Cuts to foreign aid are “devastating” refugees and displaced communities. The Security Council remains paralysed. And, as Andrews puts it, there is a lack of political will to ensure accountability for grave human rights violations.
He urges governments to “double down” on measures that deny the junta what it needs to survive: money, weapons and legitimacy. That means refusing to recognise Myanmar’s new leadership and strengthening coordinated sanctions and humanitarian support.
The scale of the crisis is staggering. Five years on from the coup, more than 22,000 political prisoners remain behind bars, including Aung San Suu Kyi. Nearly four million people have been displaced. Over 7,000 civilians have been killed. Almost a third of the population now requires humanitarian assistance. Torture and rape are widespread and, according to Tom Andrews, victims have been “beheaded, dismembered, disembowelled” and sometimes “burned alive”.
Civilians face daily bombardment. Airstrikes by jets, drones and other aircraft – documented by groups such as Fortify Rights – have hit homes, schools, hospitals and places of worship.
Meanwhile, the Rohingya continue to face genocide, with at least one million refugees living in overcrowded camps in Bangladesh or in dire conditions in Myanmar’s western Rakhine State. Since the coup, their situation has become even more desperate. Andrews has also highlighted a “hidden crisis” affecting people with disabilities, who have been attacked, tortured and further marginalised.
Yet his reports are not just a catalogue of horrors; they offer a blueprint for action. He notes that the United Kingdom has not introduced new Myanmar sanctions since October 2024, and that no government has sanctioned Myanma Economic Bank, a key financial lifeline for the junta. Meanwhile, the regime has adapted, rerouting supply chains and outpacing existing restrictions. That trend, Andrews argues, must be reversed.
There are, at least, some efforts at accountability. The International Criminal Court has sought an arrest warrant for Min Aung Hlaing. Courts in Argentina and Timor-Leste are pursuing cases under universal jurisdiction. And a genocide case brought by the Gambia is ongoing at the International Court of Justice. Should he assume the presidency, Min Aung Hlaing would do so under the shadow of these proceedings.
At the same time, there are faint signs of continuity in international advocacy. Andrews’ successor as UN special rapporteur, Kelley Eckels Currie, brings experience and a strong record on human rights. She will need it.
Because this moment matters. Myanmar’s crisis is not only humanitarian; it is geostrategic. The country is China’s only viable overland route to the Indian Ocean, its access point to the Malacca Strait and a gateway to the Bay of Bengal. Allowing Myanmar to become a playground for external power projection would be a profound geopolitical error. Allowing it to slide further into organised crime, instability and mass displacement would have consequences far beyond its borders.
These outcomes are not inevitable. They can still be averted if the international community acts – by cutting the junta’s lifelines while strengthening those of the Myanmar people. That means supporting the movement for federal democracy and ensuring accountability for mass atrocity crimes.
Myanmar’s so-called political transition is no transition at all. It is a rebranding of military rule. The generals have not relinquished power; they have repackaged it. And unless the world is prepared to confront that reality, Myanmar’s descent into darkness will continue.
This article was originally published in The Independent.