fbpx

In a country struggling for justice, the families of the disappeared demand answers

By John Quinley III and Yap Lay Sheng in Dhaka Tribune

It was evening in Dhaka, and we had just exited the quiet apartment of the wife of an opposition politician, missing for more than a decade, into the relentless churn of the streets. The contrast was striking. On the streets, life surged forward without pause—crowds of people hurried purposefully, interrupted only by errant cars that cut into their paths.  

The mood in Dhaka these days is palpably different than in years past. In early August 2024, student-led protests forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee the country, ending her more than 15-year stretch of fear-inspiring authoritarian rule in Bangladesh. For the first time in years, people can speak more openly about the future and its possibilities. 

But while the country attempts to move forward, the mood back in the apartment was sombre. “Now, we feel free,” Farzana Akhter, the wife of Parvez Hossain, a disappeared member of the Bangladesh National Party, told us, holding back tears. “But we fear. Even though Sheikh Hasina is gone, her forces are still here.” Many of those who disappeared her husband remain in powerful positions within the bureaucracy.

This is a common sentiment shared by many we have spoken to—the route to justice, or even answers about the missing, remains uncertain. Bangladesh’s new interim government, headed by Nobel Peace laureate Muhammad Yunus, has taken some important steps, such as acceding to the International Convention on Enforced Disappearance on August 29, 2024, and forming an independent commission led by the retired judge Mainul Islam Chowdhury to investigate the thousands of unresolved disappearances. Last month, the commission published sections of its report, acknowledging the systematic nature of enforced disappearance as “orchestrated by a central command structure.”

These are important first steps, but looming elections and the scheduled handover of power to a newly elected government may shorten the window for meaningful reforms. After all, traditional political parties in Bangladesh have a history of using state apparatuses for retribution against opponents. The interim government must act swiftly to ensure the investigation progresses, prioritize transparency, enact strong victim and witness protection, and institute longer-term accountability if it is to break the cycle of impunity decisively. 

Transparency is essential to build the legitimacy and credibility of investigations in Bangladesh. It is also a right guaranteed under Article 24 of the International Convention on Enforced Disappearance, where victims have “the right to know … the progress and results of the investigation and the fate of the disappeared person.”

The commission should immediately make public the entirety of its December 2024 findings. The commission’s partially published report has uncovered evidence of secret detention facilities run by Bangladesh’s security forces, including the notorious Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), the Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime (CTTC) unit, and others. It identified at least eight centres where people were held, often incommunicado, for weeks or years.

‘Sheikh Hasina didn’t think [her opponents] had families. The people who disappeared did have families — daughters and sons’

The new interim government should establish a public database detailing cases of enforced disappearances, detailing the locations of detention centers, individuals responsible, and the current status of its investigations. This would not only inform the families and the public but also pressure authorities to act in response to mounting evidence of their direct involvement in the disappearances and their continued cover-up. The commission should work with national and international human rights organizations like Odhikar and Mayer Daak, who have been working alongside victims for years, and have extensive databases with documented and unresolved cases of disappearances. 

Second, as the commission presses forward with its investigation, the government should prioritize the protection of the families of the disappeared, witnesses, and survivors coming forward with evidence. Since the fall of Sheikh Hasina, we have interviewed victims’ families and survivors recently released from years of detention, many of whom speak of their fear of surveillance or retaliation from the very authorities responsible for the abductions of their loved ones, many of whom remain in positions of authority within the security services.

To stem this climate of fear, the Bangladesh government must urgently establish a comprehensive victim and witness protection program and framework that could include various services, including legal support, psychosocial support, and safe houses for those who need them. Without these safeguards, the continuing fear of surveillance and retaliation will hinder the progress of the investigations. 

Ultimately, the commission is a temporary institution. Its existence and functions will cease when it submits its final report to the government, likely this year. But much remains to be done once the commission finishes its investigation. In addition to holding those responsible for enforced disappearances accountable, the interim government must prioritize criminalizing enforced disappearances in domestic law. This includes defining it as a distinct offense with appropriate penalties, in line with international standards, to ensure that such violations are prevented and prosecuted effectively in the future.

Enforced disappearances in Bangladesh did not begin when Sheikh Hasina was elected into power a decade and a half ago; the governments that preceded her also engaged in similar practices. Unless Bangladesh addresses this long-standing culture of such abuses committed by its ruling party, there is every risk that future governments will continue to rule through fear—with enforced disappearances, threats, and murders of their opponents.

Before leaving the apartment, Farzana Akhter shared one final thought as her children sat silently beside her, with their eyes fixed on the floor. “Sheikh Hasina didn’t think [her opponents] had families. The people who disappeared did have families—daughters and sons.” 

Justice is essential to restoring public faith in the rule of law and upholding human rights, but for families like Farzana Akhter’s, it is more than anything about addressing a profound loss and finally getting answers. 

This article was originally published in Dhaka Tribune.

Stay Updated!


Subscribe to our mailing to receive periodic updates on human rights issues where we work.